Introduction
The following essay is a short introduction to a brand-new up-coming series here on Substack. This article lays out the outlines of the series and what is hoped to be accomplished by its creation.
Welcome, to Caesarism.
The argument of this series can be broken into two parts. The first: Populism transitions a republic with an empire, to an Imperium (or Empire) in and of itself. Populism is the corrective formal change to the systems of government when the structural changes have already occurred, in foreign policy, domestic policy, the economy etc. Form is the last change because it is the visible change.
The second: This series will demonstrate that the United States is entering its own “Late Republic” era and is primed for this transition. It is a republic with an empire, ready for the convulsions into Imperium. A successful populist movement, led by a Caesarist figure in the United States, will achieve this (at some point in the near future).
The GAE, or Global American Empire, is one of the few core concepts that unite the dissident right. Understanding the GAE is a pre-requisite to understanding this argument and as such, I will pen a brief essay describing what the GAE is, how it functions, how it presents itself etc. If you understand this already, feel free to skip this up-coming essay entirely.
Populism, then, understood as such may only occur in an imperial heartland. Many of you no doubt will be familiar with the colonial ‘populist’ movements of the global American empire; UKIP, Lega Nord, Five Star, AfD, Syriza etc. Some have even come to national government, such as Syriza. Colonial (national) government is limited, however and these countries are not suitable for a transition to Imperium. A future series can discuss the colonial situation in Western Europe, suffice to say there is only one nation in the Western world with the power and strength to assume an Imperium – the United States.
Only the United States has the military, economic, cultural and diplomatic power to enforce its interests upon foreign nations[1]. Total control has not been brought together accidentally; and if it has then the coincidence is remarkable. Ever onwards has the United States accrued power, wealth, victory in war and cultural dominance not seen since the British Empire. The article dedicated to explaining the idea of ‘Imperium’ will engage why the United States is poised to undergo this process.
The commentariat and academic classes together have warmly welcomed the emergence of these populist parties with a mixture of horror and contempt. Not steeped from genuine aristocratic or non-egalitarian principles but from the sneer of class disgust and contempt that their precious liberal-progressive ideals rarely permit. When you profess not to hate, the opportunity to do is seized with relish. However, what they criticise is not really populism in its true or transformative sense.
“Populism” in the western world is not well understood, then. Despite the perceived rise in so called ‘populist’ movements around the world and in particular the West, academics and commentators alike have often been blinded this intensity of feeling they have not noticed; or rather, refuse to notice the structural use of populism towards an Imperium. There is a sharp focus on the personal character of the leadership of these parties and their behaviour measured against liberal values.
Origins
This series is a response to this confusion and reaction to the populist movements of recent times. This is not a defence of populism, conceptually or in practice. This series aims to explain its function and purpose of populism properly understood in value free terms. Thus, this series seeks to dispel confusions and misapprehensions surrounding populism. Particularly, one aim of this series is to explain the impotence of populist parties or figures outside the United States. Why is Trump more threatening to the liberal disposition than say, Salvini or Le Pen? All populist figures strike some level of fear into the liberal; yet this is always cauterized by their social opinions or attempts to play the media game. As a tactic or as a belief, it does not matter, populists often race to explain how “progressive” their social views are, how they wish for a colour-blind society, MERIT must reign supreme, how women can be strong and independent (Meloni, Le Pen), how they want ‘sensible’ immigration controls and so on.
In fairness to Populists, they must play a delicate game. While some of these ideas – immigration controls especially – are popular among the public, they must be careful as to how they present themselves on a national level. The acceptable bar for their behaviour and conduct is put in place by people who hate them, the liberal establishment. The broadcasting corporations wield immense power to initiate trends and topics still despite the rise of social media and alternative communication. Discipline and caution are needed for these parties to retain access to the mainstream. Alas, these parties will always fall short of the standard set out for them.
A further reason why this series has come to be is to explore the potential pathway of the empire into the future. I hope that it will illuminate the structure of the world as it is, not as it is presented. This is perhaps the most curious type of empire – one which insists on “equal partnerships”, the façade of independent nationhood, supposed independent foreign policies etc. If you want to see who is outside of the empire look for those nations most bitterly attacked and mocked[2]. Moreover, stirring a general recognition of our present situation is beneficial to all. Not to incite mass movements. But to begin to re-calibrate perspectives – both in “dissident” spheres and outside – to present realties and prepare ourselves for what is coming. Many “dissidents” do indeed view the Untied States as the imperial power, the global hegemon, the octopus, the panopticon etc. However, there is a tendency to think that a single election or a single candidate will transform everything. I would sooner put faith in entrails than the ballot box. There is no electoral path to “victory”. This point will be focused on in the final essay in this series, ‘Blue Caesar’.
For those of who do not see the United States as an imperial hegemon, I will strive to demonstrate that it is, in fact, a republican empire. Many people, of a socialist or “progressive” disposition do in fact see the United States as an empire. A neoliberal empire, an empire of war and exploitation and all the rest but an empire nonetheless. Objections against labelling the Untied States as an empire will be addressed in the fifth essay of this series.
Series Outline
The series will be broadly outlined as follows:
1. Introduction
2. The Existing Debate, Commentaries on Two Articles - BAP & Lunkhead
3. What is the GAE?
4. What is Populism?
5. What is an Imperium?
6. Caesarism Part I Historical Caesar
7. Caesarism Part II Structural Forces
8. Caesarism Part III The Personal Character of Caesar
9. Caesarism Part IV The Populist Solution
10. Caesarism Part V Blue Caesar, what is coming
I have previously reviewed author Neema Parvini’s “The Populist Delusion” on this Substack. I have considered re-writing this review to fit this series. Instead, I will re-visit that work to both refresh my knowledge and select thinkers that I think would be of use in this endeavour. I would encourage you, if you have not, to read that review to become familiar with this Substack and thinking within this sphere.
I am not the first to discuss such subjects, nor will I be the last. To fully appreciate the current thought around Populism, I will reflect on two essays submitted to a recent edition of Man’s World magazine. Penned by Bronze Age Pervert and Lunkhead respectively, they take on this issue from different points of view – BAP from Javier Milei’s victory in Argentina and Lunkhead’s vision for an American King. I strongly recommend reading both articles, they are well-written and put together with spirit. Any commentary or correction I offer is made in good faith and I invite both authors (if they read it) to respond in kind, perhaps they would even consider looking over this series when it is complete. I will say for now that while both raise worthwhile points, both are missing important framing and perspective to fully realise their critiques of the current regime. I go into more detail in the next part, part two.
For the rest of the series order, understanding our terms is crucial, from a theoretical and practical sense. Populism will likely be a familiar term if you have found yourself here. ‘Imperium’ however, will probably not be as familiar. In that article I will leverage historical scholarship on the Roman Republic to explain what is meant by Imperium and how it will be used in successive articles. Continuing with a firm basis in the historical context of Caesarism, the history of the first Caesar gives insight into how the process occurs, how it may repeat in similar conditions. I am not a Marxist or dialectical materialist, but to understand Caesarism one must understand how and why certain decisions are taken and the perceived (real or not) constraints and opportunities available to actors within an age. These constraints and opportunities are the result of macro forces acting upon both society and individuals.
Secondly, examining the historical context of Caesar enables us to understand the formal characteristics required by a polity to make the transition from Republic to Imperium; or be set up to make this transformation. There are many pitfalls on this path. Nothing is written. Would-be Caesarists must navigate perilous risks to transform their republic. Lastly, the historical context is interesting in and of itself and provides past accounts of the challenges, trials, opposition, enabling, struggles of past transformations that provide a glimpse as to what may befall us. Essays six to nine will give a detailed history of the fall of the Late Roman Republic and rise of Caesar.
The aim for the series is for one article to be written once a month.Above all, quality. If that means this series will take longer until I feel it is ready, so be it. If it is the case there are delays, then I will write some shorter pieces to tie you over focusing on more current events; or topics I feel that would be of interest.
Conclusion
I am looking forward to putting this together for you, dear reader. Ther
e is value in understanding our past and understanding the cycles upon which we fall into time and time again. What is coming is of great concern, especially to those of us unfriendly to the current regime. Knowing what is coming and how it comes to be is the strongest defence we can arm ourselves in the coming years. None of this may come to pass, hopefully. Deep are the wounds that civil strife inflicts[3]. If in the end a Caesarism does come to pass, may we be equipped to deal with it.
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[1] China, the rising star in the east, approaches this power but lacks in certain areas. It is Korean music and Japanese animation, for instance, which carry worldwide attention and interest. The middle kingdom for now is concerned enough with itself.
[2] Those nations deeply hated by the Neo-Conservatives; Iran, Russia, Syria, China etc.
[3] Lucan, Pharsalia